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Leadership is Proven by Vision, Not Political Role Play



                               Terence Au

By Terence Au, 7-6-2025
WE take note of the recent suggestion by former State Assemblyman J. Ligunjang, calling for Warisan to present a shadow Cabinet ahead of the next state election. While we welcome constructive ideas that seek to elevate political discourse, we must also address the underlying assumptions of this suggestion.

Let us begin by affirming: Warisan does not shy away from accountability or transparency. We have consistently fielded candidates with professional qualifications, and grassroots legitimacy across Sabah’s diverse communities — from the east coast to the interior, from Muslim to non-Muslim Bumiputera, and from Chinese  communities. Our multiracial DNA is not just a slogan — it is embodied in our leadership, policies, and vision for Sabah.

However, the call for a “shadow Cabinet” presumes a Westminster-style system that has little practical relevance within Sabah’s political context. Unlike in the UK where opposition parties are institutionally recognised and supported to form shadow ministries, Malaysia’s political structure offers no such formal role. Instead, leadership is demonstrated through performance, not performative lists.

The real test of readiness is not whether a party can publish a shadow Cabinet. It is whether that party has governed before and delivered results. And on that front, Warisan has governed — and we delivered -- though for only 2 years.

We stabilised political leadership without federal interference.

And we governed with dignity, not through backdoor deals or defections.

If Sabahans are looking for a capable and diverse government, they need only look at Warisan’s record — not a hypothetical list.

Furthermore, let us not reduce governance readiness to an exercise in racial arithmetic. While inclusivity is vital — and Warisan has always embodied this — competence, integrity, and policy vision must remain the central criteria. It is the failure to prioritise these qualities that has left Sabah with infrastructure breakdowns, widespread corruption, and development gaps under the current GRS administration.

We respect J. Ligunjang’s right to express concern. But let it be known — Warisan’s strength lies not in pre-election gimmicks, but in post-election governance. When given the mandate, we do not merely promise diversity. We deliver leadership.

And when the time comes, the people will judge us not by who we announce in a list — but by what we stand for, what we have done, and what we will do.

Terence Au is Warisan Wira Chief.

73 Sabah seats, whose luck will it be this time? Warisan? GRS? KDM? Malaya's parties?

News by the Jesselton Times, picked up by Borneo Herald, 27-5-2025

KOTA KINABALU: If the recent remarks made by GRS information chief Datuk Joniston Bangkuai regarding the potential for the upcoming Sabah state election (PRN) to devolve into a “free-for-all” are any indication, the next PRN could be the battleground for a fierce competition among the participating parties.

Bangkuai suggested that such a free-for-all scenario might actually serve as a hidden advantage, as it would enable Sabahans to select between a coalition of local parties and those led by parties from Peninsular Malaysia.

Nevertheless, political analysts perceive the situation differently, contending that the contest will not simply be a straightforward battle between local and national parties, nor will it resemble a referendum.

They argue that there will be intense competition among local parties, specifically between the GRS and the Warisan and KDM parties.

In light of this, GRS must not convey to the people of Sabah that it is the sole local party capable of safeguarding or advocating for their interests.

This implies that the PRN will also provide an opportunity for local citizens to determine the representatives they wish to elect to the state legislative assembly.

Social activist and political analyst Dr Kanul Gindol believes that the upcoming PRN will be particularly captivating.

He noted that GRS will face significant hurdles in regaining power, as it must navigate challenges posed by local parties such as Warisan and KDM, in addition to those from Peninsular-based parties.

Dr Kanul said while Warisan and KDM are determined to go it alone separately, GRS, with eight component parties, are an undecided lot, with their leaders now caught between going it solo as local parties or siding with Malayan PH and BN.

“GRS is still undecided. BN and PH have announced they are ready to split 40-33 the 73 Sabah seats between BN and PH, respectively, if GRS is not riding on their ship.

“GRS are meeting in days time, but it appeared GRS are split between wanting just a local coalition for all 73 seats and tying with Malaya’s power, which also includes Upko. How many seats could they eventually settle with? is everyone’s guess for now,” he said.

“The most probable thing to happen in this situation is GRS to eat its humble pie by conceding many Sabah seats to Malaya’s bosses. Already Nurul Izzah, two days ago, declared PKR alone wants 13 Sabah state seats.

“I don’t think BN will settle for less. So are DAP, Upko and Amanah combined, and so are PBRS and MCA. Then, how many are left for GRS? 15 is absurd,” said Dr Kanul in an interview with the Jesselton Times here today.

According to Dr Kanul Gindol, clashes among Sabah local parties like GRS, Warisan, KDM at the coming state election may result in Malaya's parties winning seats, by default.

Dr Kanul, however, cautions that while it is not yet a choice just between Sabah parties and Malaya’s, any clash between Warisan or KDM with GRS in the various seats may by default hand over victory to Malayan parties, the very side Sabahans wanted to kill.

For the record, the anti-Malayan party sentiment lately is boiling up again in Sabah that even Umno President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi felt the heat and lambasted parties that played the “Sabah for Sabahans” slogan as ‘divisive’.

This sentiment is sweeping Sabah on the popularity of Sarawak GPS’s only local party stand, which has significantly reduced Malaya’s party to only two Sarawak DAP state seats from dozens before out of the total 82 seats.

Half of the top GRS leaders are with this sentiment; notoriously, Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan and Tan Sri Pandikar Amin are said to favour all-Sabah parties to rule Sabah, like Sarawak.

Chief Minister Datuk Hajiji Noor at one time appeared swayed by this; however, he is said to be undecided and seemed to have second thought about leaving out PH completely, even though he might be prepared to ditch Umno-led BN, his numero uno enemy in Sabah.

“But this, again, is a hard buy, as long as Umno’s Zahid is as solid as Mount Kinabalu in his deepening friendship with PM Datuk Anwar Ibrahim, to read, to keep the Madani Government of theirs,” Dr Kanul opined.

“It seems there is an agenda to deny Sabahans the chance to dominate the state political landscape again. Can PH and BN work their way and install their puppet CM in Sabah? This is the last thing Sabahans want, and they better wake up,” he added.

Dr Kanul said Sabah is really in need of a smart and diplomatic CM, someone many are searching for in the coming state election, which is due to be called anytime now. “After five years with heaps of unsettled problems, we are not looking to reinstall the same old regime.

“At the beginning, we may only see potentialities in our leaders, but after five years of bad experience, you cannot simply wait for potentialities forever; you have to have a good appraisal. Did they fail you? Are you satisfied? My advice is shape up or ship out,” added Dr Kanul.# ~Jesselton Times / Borneo Herald™

Don’t Whitewash the Past: GRS Cannot Take Credit for Cleaning Up a Crisis They Helped Create

By Daniel John Jambun, 6-6-2025
THE recent statement by STAR Deputy President Datuk Kenny Chua, that appeared in the Daily Express, praising the Sabah Development Bank’s (SDBank) recovery as a hallmark of GRS’s so-called “economic reform agenda,” is not only misleading—it is a blatant attempt to whitewash the past and rewrite history for political convenience.

Let us be absolutely clear: the Sabah Development Bank scandal was not inherited by GRS—it was engineered over time by the very same political actors who now claim to be fixing it.

Both Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor and Finance Minister Datuk Masidi Manjun were senior Cabinet members during the Barisan Nasional (BN) era, a period when many of Sabah’s state-linked companies—including SDBank—fell into decline through mismanagement, political interference, and abuse of public trust.

Masidi’s Own Admission: A Decades-Long Financial Fraud
In July 2024, Datuk Masidi himself admitted before the Sabah State Assembly that over RM5 billion in non-performing loans—representing 75% of SDBank’s total loan portfolio—had been hidden for years through what he described as “creative accounting.” This practice involved issuing fresh loans to defaulters so that overdue payments could be masked, thereby artificially inflating SDBank’s performance and hiding its actual losses.

Masidi described the situation as a “governance nightmare,” citing a total collapse in risk management, internal controls, and oversight. The bank, he said, had become known in the market as a “bank of last resort”—where politically connected borrowers, unqualified and unchecked, took loans with little to no fear of legal consequence or accountability.

What Masidi failed to mention, however, is this: he was a key part of the very administration that presided over this financial disaster. Hajiji, too, held various ministerial positions during the BN government’s long rule in Sabah. For them now to claim credit for “reforming” what they helped enable is political hypocrisy of the highest order.

One Case Does Not Make a Reform Agenda
Let us be honest: While any financial recovery at SDBank is welcome, this is not proof of a wider reform agenda. If anything, it is a belated response to a long-festering problem—one that the same political class allowed to grow unchecked for nearly two decades.

Where are the reforms in:

Sabah’s electricity sector, which continues to suffer from blackouts and underinvestment?

Water infrastructure, where chronic shortages plague even urban centres?

Public transparency, with no independent audits published for other GLCs or departments?

Anti-corruption enforcement, when the public still sees politically connected individuals go unpunished?

SDBank’s restructuring—led by a new management team and board only installed in mid-2023—cannot be used to launder GRS’s legacy of failure.

“Sabah First” Cannot Be a Slogan of Convenience
The claim that SDBank now operates on a “Sabah First” basis rings hollow when viewed in context. If Sabah’s interests truly came first, then:

Why were billions in public funds ever loaned to West Malaysian tycoons with no ties to local development?

Why were there no interventions when these practices were actively taking place under the watch of BN and early GRS leaders?

You cannot suddenly invoke “Sabah First” when you were Sabah Last for decades.

Conclusion: Reform Requires Accountability, Not Reinvention
Real reform begins with truth and accountability—not reinvention and repackaged narratives. Sabahans are not so easily fooled. They know that the same political elites responsible for past misgovernance are now trying to rebrand themselves as reformers, hoping one bank’s restructuring can erase years of systemic failure.

We say: No more political amnesia. No more recycled promises.

If GRS is serious about reform, it must go beyond slogans and spin. It must hold those responsible to account—including those in its own ranks—and restore institutional integrity across all levels of government.

Until then, the people of Sabah will not—and should not—be swayed by hollow victories over crises they helped create.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia foundation (BoPiMaFo) &
Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).



Versi Bahasa Malaysia:

KENYATAAN MEDIA
6hb Jun 2025

Jangan Putar Belit Sejarah: GRS Tidak Boleh Mendakwa Membetulkan Krisis Yang Mereka Sendiri Cipta


KENYATAAN terbaru oleh Timbalan Presiden STAR, Datuk Kenny Chua, yang memuji pemulihan kewangan Sabah Development Bank (SDBank) sebagai kejayaan agenda reformasi ekonomi GRS adalah bukan sahaja mengelirukan, malah cubaan terang-terangan untuk menutup sejarah dan mengolah semula naratif demi kepentingan politik.

Kita perlu jelas: skandal kewangan di SDBank bukan sekadar masalah yang diwarisi oleh GRS—ia adalah masalah yang dibina secara beransur-ansur oleh pelakon politik yang sama yang kini mendakwa mereka sedang “membaikinya.”

Kedua-dua Ketua Menteri Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor dan Menteri Kewangan Datuk Masidi Manjun adalah tokoh kanan dalam kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) selama bertahun-tahun—era di mana banyak syarikat berkaitan kerajaan negeri, termasuk SDBank, mula merosot akibat salah urus, campur tangan politik dan ketirisan amanah awam.

Pengakuan Masidi Sendiri: Skandal Kewangan Selama Dua Dekad
Pada Julai 2024, Datuk Masidi mengakui di Dewan Undangan Negeri bahawa lebih RM5 bilion pinjaman tidak berbayar (NPL)—bersamaan 75% daripada keseluruhan pinjaman SDBank—telah disembunyikan selama bertahun-tahun melalui apa yang beliau sendiri istilahkan sebagai “perakaunan kreatif.”

Amalan ini melibatkan pemberian pinjaman baharu kepada peminjam yang gagal membayar hutang lama supaya kelewatan bayaran dapat disembunyikan, sekaligus mewujudkan gambaran palsu bahawa prestasi kewangan bank adalah baik.

Masidi menyifatkan situasi itu sebagai “mimpi ngeri tadbir urus,” dengan kegagalan sepenuhnya dari segi kawalan dalaman, pengurusan risiko dan semakan pinjaman. Malah pasaran menjuluki SDBank sebagai “bank pilihan terakhir” bagi peminjam yang ditolak oleh institusi kewangan lain—dan akhirnya bank ini menanggung kerugian besar.

Namun apa yang tidak dinyatakan Masidi ialah: beliau sendiri adalah sebahagian daripada pentadbiran yang menyaksikan krisis ini membesar. Hajiji pula pernah memegang pelbagai jawatan menteri semasa era BN. Maka adalah hipokrasi yang nyata apabila mereka kini tampil kononnya sebagai penyelamat krisis yang mereka sendiri benarkan berlaku.

Satu Kes Tidak Membuktikan Reformasi
Walaupun sebarang pemulihan di SDBank dialu-alukan, ia bukan bukti kukuh bahawa satu agenda reformasi sedang berlangsung. Ia hanyalah tindak balas terlewat terhadap masalah yang telah lama dibiarkan.

Di mana reformasi terhadap:

Krisis bekalan elektrik Sabah yang masih menjadi antara yang terburuk di negara ini?

Masalah air, yang masih menghantui kawasan bandar dan luar bandar?

Ketelusan pengurusan GLC, tanpa audit bebas atau pembentangan laporan kepada rakyat?

Tindakan terhadap korupsi, apabila ramai kroni politik masih bebas dan tidak didakwa?

Penstrukturan semula SDBank—yang hanya bermula selepas pelantikan lembaga pengarah dan pengurusan baharu pada pertengahan 2023—tidak boleh dijadikan pencuci dosa warisan kegagalan GRS sendiri.

“Sabah First” Bukan Slogan Bermusim
Dakwaan bahawa SDBank kini mengutamakan prinsip “Sabah First” tidak lebih daripada retorik manis. Jika benar Sabah diutamakan:

Mengapa berbilion ringgit dana negeri diberikan kepada taikun dari Semenanjung yang gagal membayar balik?

Mengapa tiada tindakan sewajarnya diambil ketika semua ini sedang berlaku—di bawah pentadbiran yang diketuai oleh mereka yang kini dalam GRS?

Anda tidak boleh secara tiba-tiba melaungkan “Sabah First” apabila selama ini anda menjadi simbol “Sabah Last.”

Kesimpulan: Reformasi Memerlukan Akauntabiliti, Bukan Solekan Politik
Reformasi sebenar bermula dengan kebenaran dan pertanggungjawaban—bukan helah politik dan slogan kosong. Rakyat Sabah tidak mudah diperdaya. Mereka tahu siapa yang mencipta masalah, siapa yang membisu selama ini, dan siapa yang kini mahu tampil sebagai wira tanpa meminta maaf atas sejarah sendiri.

Kami katakan: Cukup-cukuplah dengan amnesia politik. Hentikan sandiwara kitar semula.

Jika GRS benar-benar ikhlas untuk membawa perubahan, maka ia mesti melepasi retorik dan mengambil tindakan tegas—termasuk terhadap pemimpin dalam kalangan mereka sendiri. Institusi negeri tidak boleh dibersihkan dengan tangan yang sama yang mengotorkannya.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden
Borneo Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) &
Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

Reset Sabah: Gerakan Rakyat Untuk Meruntuhkan Rejim Gagal


Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 5-6-2025
SABAH kini berada di ambang pilihan raya paling menentukan dalam sejarahnya. Seruan untuk reformasi menyeluruh dan tidak dapat diundur lagi semakin lantang. "Reset Sabah" bukan sekadar slogan—ia adalah laungan keramat kerajaan baharu yang bakal mengambil alih, yang diharapkan diterajui Warisan, untuk merampas kembali tanah air daripada rejim yang telah gagal dalam setiap aspek.

Selama lima tahun di bawah pentadbiran GRS, Sabah telah dijadikan bahan ketawa: sebuah negeri yang kaya dengan sumber, tetapi musnah oleh salah urus, korupsi, dan ketundukan membuta tuli kepada kuasa pusat. Sabah tidak rosak secara semula jadi—ia dirosakkan secara terancang.

Sabah Dalam Krisis: Realiti Yang Tidak Boleh Disangkal

Rakyat Sabah tidak berhalusinasi. Mereka kecewa—dan dengan sebab yang jelas:

Krisis Bekalan Air Terburuk di Malaysia – Keperluan asas kini menjadi mimpi ngeri harian. Air bersih kini dianggap barang mewah.

Kerap Kali Bekalan Elektrik Terputus – Bandar dan kampung bergelap, sementara pemimpin berpesta cahaya.

Jalan Raya Paling Teruk di Negara – Jalan rosak dan berbahaya, mencerminkan arah pentadbiran GRS: retak dan tidak layak.

Kadar Kemiskinan Tertinggi – Dalam negeri yang kaya, rakyat terpaksa bergelut untuk hidup.

Kadar Pengangguran Tertinggi (7.7%) – Terutamanya anak muda, yang terpaksa berhijrah demi masa depan.

Sekolah Dalam Keadaan Uzur – 589 daripada 1,200 sekolah diklasifikasikan sebagai daif; 225 daripadanya kritikal. Anak-anak Sabah sedang dicuri masa depan mereka.

Sistem Kesihatan di Ambang Kegagalan – Klinik tanpa doktor, hospital tanpa peralatan, pesakit dibiar merana.

Kes Rasuah Tertinggi di Malaysia – Pemimpin hidup mewah, rakyat terus merana.

Moral Penjawat Awam Merudum – Semangat kerja hancur akibat campur tangan politik.

Rampasan Tanah Oleh Kroni Politik – Tanah rakyat dirampas atas nama “pembangunan.”

Kemusnahan Alam Sekitar Yang Dibiarkan – Hutan digondol, sungai dicemar, semuanya didiamkan.

Sebuah Negeri Dikhianati Oleh Pemerintahnya Sendiri

Ini bukan sekadar kelemahan pentadbiran—ini adalah pengkhianatan. Rasuah telah merebak ke setiap urat nadi kerajaan negeri. Institusi dirampas. Dana awam dicuri. Perkhidmatan awam dipolitikkan. Rakyat menjadi penonton kepada perompakan yang berlaku secara terbuka.

Yang patuh diberi ganjaran. Yang menentang dibisukan. Ini bukan pentadbiran—ini penjajahan berselindung, oleh orang kita sendiri.

Mengapa Tadbir Urus Baik Bukan Lagi Pilihan, Tapi Keharusan

Sabah mesti keluar daripada kitaran pergantungan, ketakutan, dan kehancuran ini. Reset Sabah membayangkan sebuah kerajaan yang:

Melantik Berdasarkan Merit, bukan kesetiaan politik.

Mengamalkan Ketelusan Menyeluruh, bukan keputusan sulit.

Bertanggungjawab Sepenuhnya, bukan lepas tangan.

Menegakkan Keadilan, bukan kronisme.

Mendengar Rintihan Rakyat, bukan menolaknya.

Mentadbir bukan hak istimewa—ia adalah amanah rakyat. Kerajaan seterusnya mesti melaksanakan tugas dengan rendah diri, integriti, dan kecekapan—atau undur diri.

Sabah Perlukan Pemimpin, Bukan Boneka

Kita perlukan pemimpin yang berani, jujur dan tegas—yang akan mempertahankan hak Sabah, bukan jadi alat Putrajaya. Sabah tidak perlukan pengampu. Ia perlukan pejuang.

Kerajaan baru ini tidak akan tunduk. Ia tidak akan merayu. Ia akan menuntut hak kita di bawah Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 (MA63). Cukup-cukuplah dengan pengkhianatan.

Agenda Reset Sabah: Tegas, Berani dan Tidak Boleh Dikompromi

Basmi Rasuah – Wujudkan ketelusan institusi. Tempatkan pegawai SPRM di semua kementerian utama termasuk Pejabat Ketua Menteri. Rasuah mesti dipantau secara harian, bukan selepas berlaku.

Pulihkan Ekonomi Sabah – Bangunkan industri tempatan, cipta peluang pekerjaan, dan pastikan kekayaan Sabah untuk rakyat Sabah.

Tegakkan Autonomi Sabah – Pertahankan hak di bawah MA63 dan Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Sokong sepenuhnya tindakan undang-undang oleh SABAR dan SLS untuk mencabar Akta Laut Wilayah 2012 dan menuntut 40% hasil bersih persekutuan.

Baik Pulih Institusi Awam – Bebaskan perkhidmatan awam daripada politik dan pulihkan keyakinan rakyat.

Pulihkan Infrastruktur & Perkhidmatan Asas – Baiki jalan, stabilkan bekalan elektrik, selesaikan isu air, dan tingkatkan kemudahan kesihatan serta pendidikan, khususnya di kawasan luar bandar.

Akhiri Kronisme, Laksanakan Tadbir Urus Inklusif dan Berdasarkan Merit – Semua rakyat Sabah mesti diberi peluang saksama.

Penutup: Bangkit Atau Binasa—Pilihan Di Tangan Kita

Sabah telah terlalu lama diperintah secara rosak. Jalan pemulihan bukan mudah, tetapi ia mesti bermula dengan keberanian di peti undi dan kesatuan dalam perjuangan.

Reset Sabah bukan hanya rancangan kerajaan baru—ia adalah tuntutan rakyat. Ia adalah titik perubahan untuk menuntut semula maruah dan masa depan kita.

Masa untuk bangkit adalah sekarang.
Akan terus kita derita di bawah rejim korup? Atau bangkit, reset dan bina semula Sabah?

Perubahan bukan pilihan. Ia satu-satunya jalan untuk menyelamatkan Sabah.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) &
Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS)




English Version :

Sabah Reset: The People's Movement to Dismantle a Failed Regime

AS Sabah stands on the threshold of a defining election, the cry for bold and irreversible reform has grown deafening. The “Sabah Reset” is not mere rhetoric—it is the rallying call of a new incoming government, led by the people’s hope, possibly under Warisan, to take back our homeland from a regime that has failed us at every turn.

For five long years, the GRS-led administration has reduced Sabah to a cautionary tale: a land blessed with immense resources but cursed with misrule, corruption, and blind subservience to federal overlords. Sabah is not broken by nature—it is being broken by design.

Sabah in Ruin: The Reality No One Can Deny

Sabahans are not delusional. They are disillusioned—and for good reason:

Worst Water Supply in Malaysia – A basic necessity has become a daily nightmare. Clean water is now a luxury.

Most Frequent Blackouts – Our cities and villages plunge into darkness while leaders bask in the spotlight.

Worst Roads Nationwide – Dangerous, crumbling roads that reflect the state’s direction under GRS: broken and unfit for purpose.

Highest Poverty Rate – In a resource-rich state, our people are forced to scrape for survival.

Highest Unemployment (7.7%) – Especially among youth, who are pushed out of Sabah in search of dignity.

Schools in Crisis – Over 589 out of 1,200 schools are dilapidated, 225 in critical condition—Sabah’s children are being robbed of their future.

Healthcare Collapse – Empty clinics, unequipped hospitals, suffering patients. Our health system is a national disgrace.

Corruption Capital – Sabah leads in corruption cases—leaders feed off public wealth with impunity.

Demoralised Civil Service – Dedicated officers demotivated by political interference and nepotism.

Land Grab Scandals – Cronies and political allies seize native land under the guise of “development.”

Environmental Plunder – Logging, mining, and pollution carried out with zero regard for sustainability.

A State Betrayed by Its Own Government

This is not just mismanagement—it is betrayal. Corruption has metastasised into every limb of the state. Institutions are captured. Public funds are siphoned off. Civil service is politicised. The people have been reduced to bystanders while a cartel of elites tightens its grip on Sabah.

Silence is rewarded, dissent punished. This is not governance. This is occupation in disguise—by our own.

Why Good Governance Is No Longer an Option—It Is the Only Option

Sabah must break the cycle of dependency, subservience, and decay. The Sabah Reset envisions a government that:

Appoints Based on Merit, not political loyalty.

Practices Total Transparency, not secrecy.

Holds Power Accountable, not protected.

Upholds Justice, not favours.

Listens to the People, not dismisses them.

Governance is not a privilege of power—it is a sacred duty. The next government must serve with humility, integrity, and competence—or step aside.

Sabah Deserves Leaders, Not Lackeys

We need a generation of leadership that speaks truth to power, defends our rights, and reclaims our future. Sabah doesn’t need yes-men to Putrajaya—it needs warriors for the people.
This new government will not bend. It will not beg. It will demand what is rightfully ours under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). No more betrayals.

The Sabah Reset Agenda: Bold and Non-Negotiable

Crush Corruption – Institutionalise transparency. Place MACC officers in every ministry, especially the Chief Minister’s Office. No more unchecked power.

Reclaim the Economy – Develop homegrown industries, create jobs, and ensure Sabahans benefit from Sabah’s wealth.

Assert Autonomy, Not Ask for It – Enforce Sabah’s constitutional rights under MA63 and support all legal efforts (SABAR, SLS) to challenge the Territorial Sea Act 2012 and secure Sabah’s 40% federal revenue entitlement.

Fix Broken Institutions – Restore independence to public service and end political interference.

Revive Basic Services – Repair our roads, stabilise electricity, resolve water woes, and rebuild our hospitals and schools—especially in rural areas.

End Cronyism – Replace it with inclusive, fair, and merit-based appointments that reflect the true spirit of Sabah.

Conclusion: Rise or Rot—The Choice is Ours

Sabah has suffered enough. We cannot afford another five years of lies, of plunder, of betrayal. The Sabah Reset is not just a plan—it is a revolution of accountability. It is Sabah’s last chance to rise.

Let this be the generation that said enough. Let this be the government that truly serves. Let this be the moment Sabah rewrites its destiny.

Change is not optional. It is a matter of survival.
Reset now—or perish under a regime that no longer serves the people.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) and
Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

KDM, PBS and Warisan to fight it in the Rungus land of Matunggong



          Julita Majungki           Wetrom Bahanda

By Jesselton Times, picked by Borneo Herald, 3-6-2025

KOTA KINABALU: Three decades ago, the Matunggong state constituency located in northern Sabah was home to numerous prominent political figures.

These include Datuk Mathius Majihi, Datuk Markus Majihi, Atong Magabis, Jornah Mojihim, Sarapin Magana, and Datuk Jelani Hamdan.

Currently, the Matunggong state seat is represented by YB Datuk Julita Mojungki.

Julita has served as the representative for the Matunggong for two terms and is the Secretary-General of the Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), with expectations to defend her seat in the forthcoming state election (PRN).

However, in contrast to the political landscape two terms ago, where Julita secured an easy victory in the Matunggong state constituency, political analysts now anticipate that the incumbent will encounter significant opposition from various figures in opposition parties, particularly from Datuk Wetrom Bahanda, the Deputy President of the KDM party.

Social Activist and Political Analyst, Dr Kanul Gindol, stated that considering the previous PRU outcomes for the Kota Marudu parliamentary constituency, where the Matunggong DUN showed significant backing for KDM, he anticipates that Wetrom is likely to run in Matunggong.

“Should this occur, I foresee a heated confrontation that will elevate the political climate of the forthcoming state election,” he remarked, adding that it would be a scenario of “if we win, we win; if we lose, we lose.”

Kanul noted that many perceive Wetrom’s influence to be on par with Julita’s in Matunggong, particularly as Wetrom and KDM are viewed as gaining momentum, while Julita and PBS are seen by many as losing ground.

The fierce rivalry between Wetrom and Julita for the Rungus Matunggong seat is undoubtedly influenced by elements such as their community service histories, affiliations with the Malaya party, religious backgrounds, and the involvement of another local party, Warisan, maybe through veteran Jornah Mozihim.

Can Jornah Mozihim make a comeback in Matunggong? It is not impossible, say many.

“Even though the odds seem to be evenly matched for both candidates, it is not out of the question for Wetrom, to pull off another unexpected victory in the Sabah state election, similar to his triumph in the Bandau state assembly and subsequently in the parliamentary election for the Kota Marudu constituency,” Dr Kanul emphasised.

He pointed out that the appeal and charisma of both Wetrom and Julita will be rigorously tested this time in Matunggong, especially as local party sentiments reach their peak, while Barisan Nasional, previously represented by PBRS, is contending with the anti-Malaya party sentiment.

In the 2020 state election, Matunggong experienced an eight-cornered contest, with three parties garnering the most votes: PBS, BN, and PKR. Julita emerged victorious with 4,369 votes, followed by Richard Kastum (BN/PBRS) with 2,859 votes, Sazalye Donol Abdullah (PKR) with 1,680 votes, Dr. Paul Porodong (Independent) with 1,069 votes, Sarapin Magana (PCS) with 843 votes, Hibin Masalin (Gagasan) with 223 votes, Joseff Emmanuel (Independent) with 51 votes, and another Independent candidate, Ronald Tampasok, with 82 votes.

In the 15th General Election of 2022, Wetrom emerged as a “giant killer” in the Kota Marudu constituency by defeating the PBS President, Datuk Dr. Maximus Ongkili, with a significant majority of 8,174 votes.

Dr. Kanul noted that Wetrom’s accomplishment is remarkable, especially considering he had only been a member of the party for a few days when he ran under the KDM emblem.

In the 2022 election, Wetrom garnered 24,318 votes, while Dr. Maximus received 16,144 votes, Jilid Kuminding @ Zainuddin (Warisan) obtained 5,320 votes, Sharizal Denci (Muda) got 3,225 votes, Norman Tulang (Independent) had 660 votes, and Mohd Azmi Zulkiflee (Pejuang) secured 279 votes.#~Jesselton Times/Borneo Herald ™

Stop Insulting Sabahans — Demanding Our Rights Is Not “Shouting”



By Daniel John Jambun, 31-5-2025
WE refer to the recent statement by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim during the Sabah-level Kaamatan celebration, where he implied that firm demands for state rights amount to "harsh words" and "shouting", and that only those who negotiate "calmly" with Putrajaya will be rewarded.

This statement is not only condescending—it is an insult to the intelligence, dignity, and constitutional rights of the Sabahan people.

Let us be unequivocal: Sabah is not begging. We are demanding what was promised to us under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) Report, and the Federal Constitution. These are not emotional appeals—they are legal and historical entitlements.

If the Prime Minister believes that dignity must be exchanged for allocations, and that "good behaviour" is the currency for getting what is rightfully ours, then he has grossly misunderstood the meaning of federalism and justice.

1. Asking Nicely Has Gotten Sabah Nowhere

For decades, Sabah’s leaders have extended cooperation after cooperation to the Federal Government—yet we remain the poorest state, with the worst infrastructure, and billions owed in oil royalties and tax revenue still unpaid. What has “calm negotiation” really brought Sabah?

Meanwhile, Sarawak was forced to threaten legal action and assert its power through Petros before anything moved. Abang Johari did not whisper to Putrajaya—he stood firm, and he got results.

2. This Is Not About Shouting—It’s About Standing Up

Calling Sabahan demands “shouting” is a classic tactic to discredit assertiveness. What Anwar calls noise, we call courage. What he calls confrontation, we call constitutional defence.

We are not here to win arguments. We are here to win back the dignity, autonomy, and economic justice that Sabah was promised and continues to be denied.

3. Federalism Is Not Feudalism

Let it be known: state rights are not gifts from Putrajaya to be distributed based on tone and obedience. This is not a monarchy where rewards are given to the loyal and withheld from the bold. It is a Federation of equal partners—and Sabah is one of the founding partners.

4. Sabah’s Future Cannot Be Held Hostage to Political Politeness

Whether or not there is an election in Sabah is irrelevant. The struggle to reclaim our rights does not belong to any one party or government—it belongs to the people of Sabah, and we will continue to speak out, expose wrongdoing, and demand justice, whether or not Putrajaya approves of our tone.

We will not be silenced by veiled threats. We will not be pacified with shallow praise. And we will not trade our rights for empty promises.

Sabah’s dignity is not negotiable.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo’s Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) & Change Advocate Movement Sabah  (CAMOS)

Versi Bahasa Malaysia:

Hentikan Menghina Rakyat Sabah — Menuntut Hak Bukan “Menjerit”

Kami merujuk kepada kenyataan terbaru Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim semasa sambutan Kaamatan Peringkat Negeri Sabah, di mana beliau membayangkan bahawa tuntutan tegas terhadap hak-hak negeri disamakan dengan “kata-kata kasar” dan “menjerit”, serta menyatakan bahawa hanya mereka yang berunding “dengan tenang” dengan Putrajaya akan diberikan ganjaran.

Kenyataan ini bukan sahaja angkuh dan merendahkan—ia adalah satu penghinaan terhadap maruah, akal dan hak perlembagaan rakyat Sabah.

Perlu ditegaskan dengan jelas: Sabah tidak merayu. Sabah menuntut apa yang telah dijanjikan dalam Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 (MA63), Laporan Jawatankuasa Antara Kerajaan (IGC), dan Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Ini bukan soal emosi—ini adalah hak yang sah berdasarkan undang-undang dan sejarah.

Jika Perdana Menteri merasakan bahawa maruah perlu dikorbankan demi mendapatkan peruntukan, dan “kelakuan baik” menjadi syarat untuk menerima apa yang sememangnya milik kita, maka beliau telah gagal memahami makna sebenar persekutuan dan keadilan.

1. Berunding Secara Baik Tidak Pernah Mengubah Nasib Sabah
Selama berdekad-dekad, para pemimpin Sabah telah menunjukkan kerjasama yang berterusan dengan Kerajaan Persekutuan—namun kita kekal sebagai negeri termiskin, dengan infrastruktur paling teruk, dan hasil minyak serta cukai berbilion ringgit masih belum dipulangkan. Apakah hasil sebenar dari rundingan “tenang” itu?

Sebaliknya, Sarawak terpaksa mengancam tindakan undang-undang dan menubuhkan Petros dengan tegas sebelum sebarang hasil diperoleh. Abang Johari tidak membisik kepada Putrajaya—beliau berdiri teguh, dan beliau berjaya.

2. Ini Bukan Soal Menjerit—Ini Soal Maruah
Menyamakan suara rakyat Sabah dengan “menjerit” adalah taktik lapuk untuk menidakkan keberanian. Apa yang Perdana Menteri panggil bising, kami panggil keberanian. Apa yang beliau anggap konfrontasi, kami anggap sebagai mempertahankan hak.

Kami bukan mahu menang hujah. Kami mahu menuntut semula maruah, autonomi dan keadilan ekonomi yang telah dijanjikan kepada Sabah tetapi terus dinafikan.

3. Persekutuan Bukan Sistem Feudal
Ingatlah: hak-hak negeri bukan hadiah dari Putrajaya yang boleh diberi atau ditarik semula bergantung kepada kesetiaan atau kelembutan nada suara. Ini bukan kerajaan beraja yang menganugerahkan ganjaran kepada yang patuh dan menghukum yang tegas. Ini adalah Persekutuan rakan kongsi yang setara—dan Sabah ialah rakan pengasas negara.

4. Masa Depan Sabah Tidak Boleh Dijadikan Tahanan Kepada Kesopanan Politik
Sama ada pilihan raya negeri akan datang atau tidak adalah tidak relevan. Perjuangan untuk mendapatkan semula hak-hak kita bukan milik mana-mana parti atau kerajaan—ia milik rakyat Sabah, dan kami akan terus bersuara, mendedahkan penyelewengan, dan menuntut keadilan, walaupun Putrajaya tidak menyukai nada kami.

Kami tidak akan dibisukan oleh ancaman tersirat. Kami tidak akan dipujuk dengan pujian kosong. Dan kami tidak akan menukar hak kami dengan janji yang tidak bermakna.

Maruah Sabah bukan untuk dirundingkan.

Daniel John Jambun
Presiden
Borneo’s Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) & Change Advocate Movement Sabah  (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™


#~Borneo Herald™

Sabah Perlu Tindakan, Bukan Alasan — Skandal Perlombongan Jangan Dikambus Dengan Prosedur


Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 30-5-2025
KAMI mengambil maklum kenyataan Perdana Menteri hari ini di Hongkod Koisaan KDCA di Penampang berkenaan skandal perlombongan di Sabah. Walaupun kami menghargai kehadiran beliau sempena sambutan Kaamatan dan pendiriannya terhadap keperluan proses undang-undang, kami tidak boleh berdiam diri apabila isu serius yang melibatkan berbilion ringgit hasil bumi Sabah disisihkan dengan alasan prosedur dan analogi yang mengelirukan.

Perlu ditegaskan: tiada siapa meminta Perdana Menteri bertindak sebagai diktator. Apa yang rakyat Sabah tuntut ialah keberanian moral, ketegasan politik, dan kepimpinan yang telus—terutamanya apabila kekayaan negeri ini terus dirompak di bawah pengawasan pihak yang berkuasa.

Skandal perlombongan ini bukan isu kecil. Ia bukan sekadar video tular atau rakaman yang dikatakan dihasilkan oleh AI—ia adalah penyalahgunaan kuasa yang nyata dan serius, eksploitasi terhadap sumber asli kita, dan tanda jelas bahawa rakyat Sabah seolah-olah dibiarkan mempertahankan diri sendiri manakala mereka yang bersalah terus dilindungi.

Kami amat bimbang dengan kenyataan Perdana Menteri yang menyamakan pemberi maklumat (whistleblower) dengan penjenayah yang menggelapkan berbilion ringgit. Analogi ini bukan sahaja salah—malah memberikan mesej yang merbahaya. Pemberi maklumat bukan masalah—merekalah benteng terakhir antara rasuah dan kebenaran. Mengatakan mereka tidak layak dilindungi hanya akan melemahkan keberanian rakyat untuk mendedahkan salah laku pada masa hadapan.

Jika benar kerajaan kini memiliki rakaman penuh, rakyat berhak tahu dengan segera: Apakah tindakan SPRM? Siapa yang telah disoal siasat? Aset siapa yang telah dibekukan? Bilakah rakyat akan tahu kebenaran?

Lebih membimbangkan, pujian terbuka Perdana Menteri terhadap Ketua Menteri—dalam keadaan wujud persoalan sah terhadap penglibatan pentadbiran beliau dalam skandal ini—menambah persepsi bahawa kepentingan politik lebih diutamakan daripada integriti dan keadilan.

Sabah telah lama dirompak kekayaannya. Ini bukan soal politik semata-mata—ini soal maruah, akauntabiliti, dan masa depan rakyat kita.

Kami mendesak Perdana Menteri agar menunaikan kata-katanya sendiri. Jangan biarkan hak Sabah dikambus oleh birokrasi. Jangan jadikan proses undang-undang sebagai alasan untuk tidak bertindak.

Rakyat sedang memerhati. Dan kami tidak akan berdiam diri.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden
Borneo’s Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo).



The English Version:

Sabah Deserves Action, Not Excuses — The Mining Scandal Must Not Be Buried Under Procedure

We take note of the Prime Minister's remarks today at the KDCA Hongkod Koisaan in Penampang regarding the Sabah mining scandal. While we welcome his presence at Kaamatan and his stated commitment to due process, we cannot remain silent when such a serious issue involving billions in Sabahan resources is brushed aside with procedural deflections and misplaced analogies.

Let us be clear: no one is asking the Prime Minister to act like a dictator. What Sabahans are demanding is moral courage, political clarity, and transparent leadership—especially when our state’s wealth is plundered under the watch of those in power.

The Sabah mining scandal is not a trivial matter. It is not just about viral videos or AI-generated clips—it is about the very real and visible abuse of power, the exploitation of our natural resources, and the growing sense that Sabahans are being left to fend for themselves while those responsible remain protected.

We are deeply concerned by the Prime Minister’s statement comparing whistleblowers to criminals who embezzle billions. This analogy is not only flawed—it sends the wrong message. Whistleblowers are not the problem. They are often the last line of defence between corruption and truth. To suggest they do not deserve protection is to discourage future acts of public courage that expose wrongdoing.

If indeed the government is in possession of the full footage, then the people deserve an immediate update: What has the MACC done? Who has been questioned? What assets have been frozen? When will the public know the truth?

Furthermore, the Prime Minister’s public praise of the Chief Minister—at a time when legitimate questions are being raised about his administration’s role in this scandal—only deepens the perception that political alliances are being prioritised over integrity and justice.

Sabah has been robbed of its wealth for far too long. This is not about politics—it is about dignity, accountability, and the future of our people.

We urge the Prime Minister to live up to his own words. Do not let Sabah’s rights be buried under bureaucracy. Do not let due process become a shield for inaction.

The people are watching. And we will not stay silent.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo).#~Borneo Herald™

Banyak perlu dibuat untuk perkasakan rumpun Dayak, kata Presiden PKRDS

                      Cleftus Spine Mojingol


Oleh Cleftus Spine Mojingol, 29-5-2025
Sempena Tadau Kaamatan & Gawai 202
1. SALAM persaudaraan dan perpaduan kepada semua rumpun Dayak di Sabah dan Sarawak. Sekali lagi kita menyambut Tadau Kaamatan dan juga Gawai, dua acara tahunan yang meriah dan bermakna kepada kita.
2. Sejajar dengan kemajuan yang semakin rancak, marilah kita memperingati keperluan untuk terus memelihara kebudayaan dan tradisi kita termasuk bahasa ibunda kita yang semakin disisihkan oleh ramai kalangan kita sendiri.
3. Rumpun Dayak berterima kasih kepada pihak kerajaan  pusat dan negeri kerana terus membantu kita termasuk dalam memberi geran memperkembangkan kebudayaan dan cara hidup kita bukan sahaja dalam penggalakan bahasa-bahasa tempatan tetapi dalam pelbagai bidang seperti ilmu perubatan herba, seni, musik, binaan dan sebagainya.
4. Lebih banyak penyelidikan dan pendokumentasian perlu dilakukan terhadap setiap segi hidup suku-suku dan kaum-kaum rumpun Dayak ini bagi mengukuhkan lagi keluarga Dayak.
5. Kemudahan infrastruktur seperti pusat-pusat kebudayaan, masyarakat dan ilmu bagi setiap kaum rumpun Dayak adalah sesuatu yang kita idamkan dalam menyerlahkan dan memperkasa lagi ketamadunan rumpun ini.
6. Usaha untuk memperkasa penyertaan lebih bermakna rumpun Dayak antara lain dalam perniagaan, industri, pertanian dan pelancongan sangat penting dibangun tambah, dan untuk ini sudah masanya kerajaan memberi fokus dan sumber kepada Sabah dan Sarawak.

Sekian.
Kotobian Tadau Kaamatan & 
Gayu Guru Gerai Nyamai.

Cleftus Spine Mojingol ialah Presiden 
Pertubuhan Kebudayaan Rumpun Dayak Sabah [PKRDS].#~Borneo Herald™

Decolonising Belief: Indigenous Identity and the Fight for Freedom of Conscience in Postcolonial Southeast Asia

 



By Daniel John Jambun, 26-5-2025
Presented at the ASEAN Freedom of Thought, Conscience & Belief Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 25th May 2025

Introduction
Freedom of thought, conscience, and belief is often discussed in abstract or legalistic terms. However, in Southeast Asia, and particularly in postcolonial states such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Myanmar, this freedom is deeply entangled with questions of power, identity, and historical injustice. Nowhere is this more evident than in the lived experience of indigenous peoples — including those in the Malaysian state of Sabah — whose ancestral belief systems and cultural autonomy have been systematically eroded through state-led homogenization, politicized religion, and constitutional manipulation.

This paper argues that decolonizing belief is not merely about protecting religious freedom in a narrow legalistic sense, but about restoring dignity, cultural sovereignty, and plurality to historically marginalized communities. It challenges ASEAN — under Malaysia’s 2025 chairmanship — to move beyond rhetorical commitments and confront the systemic violations of conscience and belief that persist within its member states.

Colonial and Postcolonial Legacies
The colonial powers in Southeast Asia did not merely extract resources — they imposed structures that redefined and regulated belief. In British North Borneo (now Sabah), indigenous animistic and syncretic traditions were either ignored or discouraged. Christian missions were supported as instruments of 'civilization', while colonial administrators preferred a uniform religious identity for administrative ease.

Post-independence, these patterns persisted. Instead of embracing indigenous diversity, many ASEAN states, including Malaysia, doubled down on religious centralization. Malaysia’s constitutional designation of Islam as the religion of the Federation, for instance, has led to the sidelining of non-Muslim voices in policy, law, and education — including the ancestral belief systems of Sabah and Sarawak’s native peoples.

This creates an ongoing “internal colonization” in which indigenous identities are remoulded to fit a narrow national narrative — one that excludes freedom of conscience and imposes belief as a tool of state legitimacy.

Sabah offers a unique case study
Its people — the Momogun (Indigenous) communities — practiced deeply spiritual, animist and syncretic traditions long before the arrival of monotheistic religions. For decades, their beliefs were neither fully respected nor protected. State efforts, sometimes in collusion with federal actors, have resulted in deceptive conversions, discriminatory resource allocation, and exclusion from religious decision-making bodies.

Faith Without Consent: Spiritual Colonization in Sabah
In May 2025, another case of religious conversion by deception surfaced in Nabawan, Sabah — a disturbing pattern that continues to violate personal dignity and erode interfaith trust. As I stated during the forum:

> "This is not dakwah; it is spiritual colonization. Belief must be born of conviction, not coercion. Anything less is a betrayal of conscience and a threat to social harmony. Prime Minister Anwar has spoken about reducing Islamophobia — but if nothing is done to stop these deceptive conversions, then Islamophobia will only grow. The failure to act will not only damage interfaith trust, it will deepen public resentment. There can be no meaningful freedom of religion without freedom from manipulation."

To speak of religious liberty in Sabah without confronting these realities is to remain complicit in silence. Such acts not only contradict Islamic ethical traditions but also violate international and constitutional protections for freedom of conscience.

Legal Guarantees vs. Practical Realities
While Article 11 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, in practice, these rights are unequally protected and politically circumscribed. The restriction on apostasy, discriminatory religious education policies, and the de facto privileging of Islam in public life reflect a systemic erosion of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) — both of which affirm the individual’s right to adopt, change, or reject religious belief without coercion.

In ASEAN more broadly, the principle of non-interference has allowed authoritarian regimes to use religion as a tool of repression — from the persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar to the crackdowns on atheists and free thinkers in parts of Indonesia. ASEAN’s silence has emboldened these practices, undermining any regional claim to moral leadership on human rights.

Toward an ASEAN Framework on Freedom of Belief
With Malaysia chairing ASEAN in 2025, there is both opportunity and responsibility. The region must go beyond vague declarations and initiate a binding framework on freedom of thought and belief — modelled perhaps after the Rabat Plan of Action or the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights.

This framework should include, at minimum:

1. Recognition of Indigenous Belief Systems
Protect traditional animist, syncretic, and non-theistic worldviews from legal erasure and bureaucratic neglect.

2. Criminalization of Deceptive or Forced Conversions
Establish clear legal prohibitions and remedies for conversion by coercion or fraud, including among vulnerable indigenous populations.

3. Equitable State Support for All Belief Systems
Ensure fair allocation of state resources and institutional representation for all recognized religions, indigenous faiths, and non-religious philosophies.

4. Protection of the Right to Disbelieve
Uphold the civil liberties of atheists, agnostics, secularists, and critics of religion — whose freedom of conscience is equally fundamental.

5. Independent Monitoring and Accountability Mechanisms
Create regional bodies, independent of state religious departments, to monitor violations and support victims of belief-related discrimination.

The Moral Imperative of Decolonizing Belief
Ultimately, this is not just a legal issue — it is a moral one. Freedom of thought, conscience, and belief is the foundation of all other rights. When the state controls what its citizens can believe, say, or question, it has already dismantled democracy at its root.

For indigenous communities in Sabah and across Southeast Asia, reclaiming this freedom is an act of cultural survival. It is about resisting the tide of historical injustice and asserting the right to exist — spiritually, culturally, and politically — on one’s own terms.

We must decolonise not only our institutions but also our imagination — to once again see diversity not as a threat, but as the heart of what it means to be human.

As ASEAN gathers to discuss freedom of thought, conscience, and belief, let us not be satisfied with abstract platitudes. Let us name the violations, honour the indigenous voices, and commit to regional mechanisms that truly protect the right to believe — or not to believe.

Sabah, like much of Southeast Asia, stands at a crossroads. Either we continue the legacy of control, coercion, and spiritual erasure — or we chart a new path rooted in pluralism, dignity, and the unassailable right to think, question, and believe freely.

Let us choose freedom — and mean it.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)



Versi Bahasa Malaysia:

Dekolonisasi Kepercayaan: Identiti Pribumi dan Perjuangan untuk Kebebasan Hati Nurani di Asia Tenggara Pascapenjajahan.

Dibentangkan di Forum ASEAN Mengenai Kebebasan Pemikiran, Hati Nurani & Kepercayaan, Kuala Lumpur, 25hb Mei 2025

Oleh Daniel John Jambun


Pengenalan

Kebebasan pemikiran, hati nurani, dan kepercayaan sering dibincangkan dalam bentuk abstrak atau perundangan. Namun, di Asia Tenggara, khususnya di negara-negara pascajajah seperti Malaysia, Indonesia dan Myanmar, kebebasan ini amat berkait rapat dengan soal kuasa, identiti dan ketidakadilan sejarah. Hal ini paling ketara dalam pengalaman hidup masyarakat pribumi — termasuk di negeri Sabah, Malaysia — yang mana sistem kepercayaan nenek moyang dan autonomi budaya mereka telah lama terhakis akibat pemaksaan homogenisasi negara, agama yang dipolitikkan, dan manipulasi perlembagaan.

Kertas kerja ini berhujah bahawa dekolonisasi kepercayaan bukan sekadar mempertahankan kebebasan beragama dalam kerangka undang-undang yang sempit, tetapi adalah tentang mengembalikan maruah, kedaulatan budaya dan kepelbagaian kepada komuniti yang telah lama terpinggir. Ia mencabar ASEAN — di bawah kepengerusian Malaysia bagi tahun 2025 — untuk melangkaui retorik dan menangani pencabulan sistemik terhadap kebebasan hati nurani yang masih berlaku dalam negara-negara anggotanya.

Legasi Kolonial dan Pascakolonial

Kuasa-kuasa penjajah di Asia Tenggara bukan sahaja menjarah sumber, tetapi turut membentuk struktur yang mentakrif dan mengawal kepercayaan. Di Borneo Utara British (kini Sabah), tradisi animisme dan sinkretik masyarakat pribumi sering kali diabaikan atau disekat. Misi Kristian disokong sebagai instrumen "peradaban", manakala pentadbir kolonial lebih gemar kepada identiti agama yang seragam demi kemudahan pentadbiran.

Pasca kemerdekaan, pola ini diteruskan. Daripada meraikan kepelbagaian pribumi, banyak negara ASEAN termasuk Malaysia memperkukuh pemusatan agama. Perisytiharan Islam sebagai agama Persekutuan dalam Perlembagaan Malaysia telah menyebabkan suara bukan Islam diketepikan dalam dasar, undang-undang dan pendidikan — termasuk sistem kepercayaan nenek moyang masyarakat pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak.

Ini mewujudkan apa yang boleh dianggap sebagai "penjajahan dalaman" yang mana identiti pribumi dibentuk semula untuk disesuaikan dengan naratif nasional yang sempit — naratif yang menindas kebebasan hati nurani dan menjadikan kepercayaan sebagai alat legitimasi negara.

Sabah menjadi satu kajian kes yang unik. 

Rakyatnya — Kaum Momogun (Orang Asal) — telah lama mengamalkan tradisi kepercayaan animisme dan sinkretik yang mendalam sebelum ketibaan agama-agama monoteistik. Selama berdekad, kepercayaan mereka tidak dihormati dan tidak dilindungi. Usaha-usaha negeri, kadangkala dengan kerjasama pelaku-pelaku persekutuan, telah mengakibatkan penukaran agama secara tipu daya, diskriminasi dalam pengagihan sumber, dan pengecualian daripada badan-badan pembuat keputusan agama.

Iman Tanpa Izin: Penjajahan Rohani di Sabah

Pada Mei 2025, satu lagi kes penukaran agama secara tipu daya berlaku di Nabawan, Sabah — satu pola yang membimbangkan dan terus mencabuli maruah insan serta merosakkan kepercayaan antara agama. Seperti yang saya nyatakan dalam forum:

> "Ini bukan dakwah; ini adalah penjajahan rohani. Kepercayaan harus lahir daripada keyakinan, bukan paksaan. Apa-apa yang kurang daripada itu adalah pengkhianatan terhadap hati nurani dan ancaman kepada keharmonian sosial. Perdana Menteri Anwar telah menyatakan hasrat untuk mengurangkan Islamofobia — namun jika tiada tindakan terhadap penukaran secara tipu daya ini, maka Islamofobia hanya akan bertambah. Kegagalan untuk bertindak bukan sahaja merosakkan kepercayaan antara agama, malah memperdalam rasa tidak puas hati rakyat. Tiada kebebasan beragama yang sebenar tanpa kebebasan daripada manipulasi."

Untuk bercakap mengenai kebebasan agama di Sabah tanpa mengakui realiti ini adalah satu bentuk kerjasama dalam kesenyapan. Tindakan seperti ini bukan sahaja bercanggah dengan nilai etika Islam, tetapi juga melanggar perlindungan perlembagaan dan antarabangsa terhadap kebebasan hati nurani.

Jaminan Perundangan vs Realiti Praktikal

Walaupun Perkara 11 Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia menjamin kebebasan beragama, hak ini sering dilindungi secara tidak saksama dan dikekang oleh agenda politik. Sekatan terhadap murtad, diskriminasi dalam pendidikan agama, serta keutamaan de facto terhadap Islam dalam ruang awam mencerminkan pelanggaran sistemik terhadap Perkara 18 Perisytiharan Hak Asasi Manusia Sejagat dan Perjanjian Antarabangsa Mengenai Hak Sivil dan Politik (ICCPR) — yang kedua-duanya menegaskan hak individu untuk menganut, menukar atau menolak kepercayaan agama tanpa sebarang paksaan.

Di peringkat ASEAN pula, prinsip tidak campur tangan telah membolehkan rejim autoritarian menggunakan agama sebagai alat penindasan — daripada penganiayaan terhadap Rohingya di Myanmar hinggalah kepada tindakan keras terhadap ateis dan pemikir bebas di beberapa bahagian Indonesia. Sikap membisu ASEAN telah menggalakkan lagi amalan ini dan melemahkan tuntutan moral serantau terhadap hak asasi manusia.

Ke Arah Kerangka ASEAN Mengenai Kebebasan Kepercayaan

Dengan Malaysia mempengerusikan ASEAN pada tahun 2025, terdapat peluang dan tanggungjawab yang besar. Rantau ini mesti melangkaui deklarasi umum dan menggubal satu kerangka yang mengikat mengenai kebebasan pemikiran dan kepercayaan — mungkin berasaskan Rabat Plan of Action atau Piagam Afrika mengenai Hak Asasi dan Hak Rakyat.

Kerangka ini harus merangkumi sekurang-kurangnya:

1. Pengiktirafan Sistem Kepercayaan Pribumi
Melindungi pandangan dunia animisme, sinkretik, dan bukan teistik daripada penghapusan undang-undang dan pengabaian birokrasi.

2. Jenayahkan Penukaran Secara Tipu Daya atau Paksaan
Menggubal larangan undang-undang yang jelas terhadap penukaran secara paksaan atau penipuan, khususnya terhadap komuniti pribumi yang terdedah.

3. Sokongan Negara Secara Saksama Kepada Semua Kepercayaan
Menjamin peruntukan sumber dan representasi institusi yang adil untuk semua agama yang diiktiraf, kepercayaan pribumi, dan falsafah bukan agama.

4. Perlindungan Terhadap Hak Untuk Tidak Percaya
Menegakkan hak sivil bagi ateis, agnostik, sekularis, dan pengkritik agama — yang kebebasan hati nuraninya juga adalah asas.

5. Pemantauan Bebas dan Mekanisme Akauntabiliti
Mewujudkan badan pemantau serantau, bebas daripada jabatan agama negara, untuk memantau pencabulan dan menyokong mangsa diskriminasi berkaitan kepercayaan.

Imperatif Moral untuk Dekolonisasi Kepercayaan

Akhirnya, isu ini bukan sekadar isu perundangan — ia adalah isu moral. Kebebasan pemikiran, hati nurani dan kepercayaan merupakan asas kepada semua hak yang lain. Apabila negara mengawal apa yang boleh dipercayai, diucap atau dipersoal oleh warganya, maka demokrasi telah pun runtuh dari akarnya.

Bagi komuniti pribumi di Sabah dan seluruh Asia Tenggara, menuntut kembali kebebasan ini adalah satu bentuk perjuangan untuk kelangsungan budaya. Ia adalah penolakan terhadap arus ketidakadilan sejarah dan pengisytiharan hak untuk wujud — secara rohani, budaya dan politik — atas terma sendiri.

Kita mesti mendekolonisasi bukan sahaja institusi kita, tetapi juga imaginasi kita — agar kepelbagaian dilihat bukan sebagai ancaman, tetapi sebagai teras makna kemanusiaan itu sendiri.

Ketika ASEAN berkumpul untuk membincangkan kebebasan pemikiran, hati nurani dan kepercayaan, janganlah kita berpuas hati dengan retorik kosong. Mari kita namakan pencabulan, hormati suara pribumi, dan komited terhadap mekanisme serantau yang benar-benar melindungi hak untuk percaya — atau untuk tidak percaya.

Sabah, seperti banyak bahagian lain di Asia Tenggara, sedang berada di persimpangan. Sama ada kita terus mewarisi legasi kawalan, paksaan dan penghapusan rohani — atau kita membuka jalan baru berteraskan kepelbagaian, maruah dan hak mutlak untuk berfikir, mempersoal dan mempercayai secara bebas.

Pilihlah kebebasan — dan maksudkannya.

Daniel John Jambun 
President 
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)# ~Borneo Herald™

Kesilapan Politik Terbesar Sabah Adalah 31 Tahun Pemerintahan BN — Bukan Era Pemerintahan Parti Tempatan


Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 22-5-2025
KOTA KINABALU : Kami merujuk kepada kenyataan Ketua UMNO Sabah, Datuk Seri Bung Moktar Radin, Malay Mail 20hb 2025, yang mendakwa kononnya ketidakstabilan politik dan kemunduran pembangunan di Sabah berpunca daripada pemerintahan parti-parti tempatan sebelum tahun 1994, sambil mengangkat pemerintahan Barisan Nasional (BN) sebagai era pembangunan sebenar dan kestabilan.

Naratif ini bukan sahaja menyeleweng daripada fakta sejarah, malah merupakan satu cubaan terang-terangan untuk memutihkan era gelap pemerintahan penuh manipulasi politik, korupsi dan penindasan. Rakyat Sabah tidak boleh terus diperbodohkan. Kesilapan politik paling besar dalam sejarah moden Sabah bukanlah perpaduan di bawah parti tempatan — sebaliknya adalah apabila kita membenarkan BN memerintah Sabah selama 31 tahun.

Fakta mesti dijelaskan:

1. Sabah Dibenamkan Dalam Kemiskinan Di Bawah BN
Sepanjang pemerintahan BN, Sabah kekal sebagai negeri termiskin di Malaysia, walaupun kaya dengan hasil minyak, gas, balak dan sumber asli. Di bawah 31 tahun pemerintahan BN:

Berbilion ringgit dibolot melalui amalan rasuah

Kawasan luar bandar terus terpinggir

Infrastruktur asas seperti jalan raya, sekolah, hospital, bekalan air dan elektrik sangat daif dan ketinggalan

Jika ini dikatakan pembangunan, ia adalah pembangunan tanpa maruah dan tanpa kesejahteraan rakyat.

2. Autonomi Sabah Dirobohkan, Bukan Diperkuatkan
Kononnya “kestabilan” yang dibawa BN bermula dengan rampasan kuasa politik. Kejatuhan PBS pada tahun 1994 bukanlah peralihan kuasa secara demokratik, tetapi hasil daripada lompat parti besar-besaran, campur tangan Persekutuan, dan pelaksanaan Projek IC yang mencabuli kedaulatan dan integriti politik Sabah.

BN tidak menyatukan Sabah — BN menjajah Sabah dari segi politik.

3. Korupsi Berleluasa dan Pengurusan Kewangan Yang Lemah
BN mentadbir Sabah melalui kronisme dan politik habuan, bukan melalui tadbir urus yang telus. Institusi-institusi awam dipolitikkan, dana rakyat disalahgunakan, dan budaya rasuah berakar umbi dalam pentadbiran negeri.

Ini adalah realiti yang cuba disembunyikan oleh Bung Moktar.

4. Sabah Ditinggalkan Dalam Keadaan Kewangan Lemah Berbanding Sarawak
Pada penghujung pemerintahan BN pada tahun 2018, Sabah hanya mempunyai rizab kewangan berjumlah RM3 bilion, sedangkan Sarawak — yang kekal dengan pentadbiran negeri yang lebih berdaulat — berjaya mengumpul rizab kewangan sebanyak RM31 bilion pada tahun yang sama.

Tepat dikatakan:
Jika UMNO memerintah Sarawak seperti mana mereka memerintah Sabah, Sarawak juga akan menjadi negeri yang mundur dan melarat. Perbezaannya bukan pada kedudukan di Persekutuan, tetapi pada kualiti dan integriti pentadbiran.

5. Projek IC Masih Menjadi Luka Terbuka Sabah
Projek IC yang dijalankan di bawah pemerintahan BN merupakan pengkhianatan besar terhadap rakyat Sabah. Pemberian kerakyatan secara haram kepada warga asing demi kepentingan politik telah mengubah komposisi demografi negeri ini, menjejaskan hak-hak anak negeri, dan membebankan sistem pendidikan, kesihatan dan sosial kita.

Inilah harga sebenar kepada "kestabilan" palsu yang didakwa BN.

6. Projek Mega BN Ditangguh dan Dipolitikkan
Projek seperti Lebuhraya Pan Borneo telah dijanjikan sejak tahun 1990-an, tetapi hanya dilaksanakan secara serius selepas pertukaran kerajaan. Projek-projek ini turut diselubungi kelewatan, kos melambung dan pemberian kontrak kepada kroni. Pembangunan di bawah BN lebih tertumpu kepada mengkayakan golongan elit politik, bukan memperbaiki nasib rakyat.

Kata Akhir:
Datuk Bung Moktar tidak layak memutarbelit sejarah untuk memuliakan rejim yang merompak kekayaan Sabah, melemahkan institusi, dan menjual maruah rakyat.

Pemerintahan 31 tahun BN bukanlah zaman keemasan — ia adalah zaman pengkhianatan, kegelapan dan kemunduran. Masa depan Sabah terletak bukan pada nostalgia terhadap penjajah politik, tetapi pada keberanian untuk mengembalikan autonomi sebenar, membersihkan pentadbiran, dan menyerahkan kuasa kepada rakyat Sabah sendiri.

Kita tidak boleh lagi keliru antara penindasan dengan kestabilan, atau antara korupsi dengan pentadbiran.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo).


The English Version : 

PRESS STATEMENT
22 May 2025

Sabah’s Real Political Mistake Was 31 Years of BN Rule — Not the Era of Local Governance

KOTA KINABALU — We refer to the recent remarks made by Sabah UMNO Chief, Datuk Seri Bung Moktar Radin, Malay Mail 20th May 2025,  who claimed that political instability and underdevelopment in Sabah stemmed from the period of local party rule prior to 1994, while portraying Barisan Nasional’s (BN) takeover as a period of “real development” and stability.

This narrative is not only historically misleading, but it is a blatant attempt to glorify a dark era of political manipulation, corruption, and subjugation. Sabahans must not be fooled. The greatest political mistake in Sabah’s modern history was not unity under local parties — it was allowing BN to rule Sabah for 31 years.

Let us respond with facts:

1. Sabah Was Plunged into Poverty Under BN
During BN’s rule, Sabah remained consistently the poorest state in Malaysia, despite being one of the most resource-rich. Blessed with oil, gas, timber, and fertile land — yet under BN’s 31-year rule:

Billions were siphoned off through corrupt practices

Rural communities were neglected

Basic infrastructure like roads, schools, hospitals, water supply, and electricity remained critically underdeveloped

BN failed to translate resources into real development for the rakyat.

2. Sabah’s Autonomy Was Hijacked, Not Strengthened
BN’s so-called “stability” began with a political coup. The fall of PBS in 1994 was engineered through mass political defections, federal interference, and the infamous Project IC, which tampered with Sabah’s demographics and electoral integrity.

BN did not unite Sabah — it colonised it politically.

3. Systemic Corruption and Financial Mismanagement
BN ruled Sabah through cronyism and patronage, not governance. State institutions were politicised, public funds were misused, and the culture of corruption became embedded in government operations.

This is the reality Bung Moktar conveniently forgets.

4. Sabah Was Left Financially Weak Compared to Sarawak
At the end of BN’s rule in 2018, Sabah had only RM3 billion in state financial reserves. In contrast, Sarawak — which maintained stronger state-led governance — had accumulated RM31 billion in reserves for the same year.

Let us be blunt:
Had UMNO governed Sarawak the way it governed Sabah, Sarawak too would be financially crippled. The difference lies not in federal alignment but in the quality and integrity of governance.

5. The Legacy of Project IC Still Haunts Sabah
BN’s systematic granting of citizenship to foreigners through Project IC remains one of the greatest betrayals in Malaysian history. It diluted native rights, strained public services, and continues to destabilise Sabah’s social fabric. This “stability” came at the cost of Sabah’s identity.

6. BN’s “Mega Projects” Were Delayed and Politicised
Projects like the Pan Borneo Highway were promised for decades under BN, yet only began proper implementation after regime change. Many were riddled with delays, inflated costs, and politically connected contracts. The so-called “development” under BN was more about enriching elites than serving the people.

Final Word:
Datuk Bung Moktar should not be allowed to rewrite history to glorify a regime that siphoned Sabah’s wealth, weakened our institutions, and sold our dignity.

BN’s 31-year rule represents an era of missed opportunities, economic theft, and political betrayal. Sabah’s future lies not in reliving that past, but in restoring real autonomy, rooting out corruption, and empowering Sabahans to take back control of their destiny.

We must never again mistake oppression for order, or corruption for stability.

Daniel John Jambun is President of
Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo). ~Borneo Herald™

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